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A print version of the 2002 Legislative Report is also available. Email us and request a free copy. 2002 Senate Voting Record -- 2002 House Voting Record Also check out previous
years' WSLC Legislative Reports: 2001 -- 2000
-- 1999 |
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For
many, the 2002 Legislative Session will be remembered for the state’s budget
and transportation challenges. But for state workers, it will be remembered as a historic
year for the recognition of fundamental collective bargaining rights. Four
different bills granting these basic rights to various classifications of public
employees were passed and signed into law by the governor. (See stories below
for more detail on each.) It
was a remarkable achievement given the narrow Democratic majorities in both
houses—25-24 in the Senate, 50-48 in the House—and the aggressive opposition
of Republican legislative leaders. House
and Senate Democrats, with the exception of Sen. Tim Sheldon (D-35),
demonstrated a truly inspirational display of unity and solidarity.
They defended the bills from Republican attacks in the form of numerous
amendments designed to weaken rights or restrict the scope of bargaining,
rejecting these efforts with a united vote time and again. The
2002 experience demonstrated the importance of every vote, and confirmed the
absolutely critical necessity of effective union political action.
Had the 49-49 House tie not been broken by the 2001 special election,
none of these bills would even have gotten a hearing.
It was organized labor’s concerted political advocacy (the
Labor-Neighbor program outlined in WSLC President Rick Bender’s column below)
that many credit for breaking the House tie and the legislative impasse on
collective bargaining issues. But
as we are all well aware, party lines don’t determine support for working
families’ issues. There are
Democrats who oppose labor, and Republicans who support us. So given that reality, special credit and thanks go to House Speaker Frank Chopp and Senate Majority Leader Sid Snyder for their disciplined leadership in keeping the collective bargaining bills—and other legislation supported by working families—moving during the short session as opponents sought to delay and derail. Ergonomics enforcement delayed by two years Governor
Gary Locke announced March 5 that the Department of Labor and Industries will
delay enforcement of the long-awaited, critically important state ergonomics
rule by two years. Although the governor expressed support for the rule and
threatened to veto any legislative attempt to repeal the rule, his decision was
a serious setback for efforts to protect Washington’s workers from
debilitating musculoskeletal injuries. “There
is fear in some industries that these new rules might require costly investments
in new equipment, ergonomic consultants, and detailed studies,” Locke said.
“I believe these fears are unfounded. However, as the national leader it is
incumbent upon us to proceed carefully. We must be certain that the Department
has had ample opportunity to provide more consultation services to employers.” But
business interests immediately announced they would not use the extra two years
to promote education on rule compliance, but instead use that time to try to
kill the rule. “With
the decision to delay ergonomics rule enforcement, the state has turned its back
on its obligation to protect citizens from unsafe workplaces,” said Rick
Bender, President of the Washington State Labor Council. “This is a huge
victory for the very business organizations that have conducted hysterical
campaigns of misinformation about the rule. Their plan to generate uninformed
outrage and confusion achieved the delay, and now they have two extra years to
try to kill the rule all together.” Some
suggest that the governor’s decision was driven by a desire to forestall
legislative action on ergonomics, and avoid a battle that could fracture the
Democratic caucuses that hold razor-thin majorities.
A handful of Democrats in both houses have previously indicated a
willingness to side with Republicans in ergonomics delay or repeal efforts. Whatever
the reason, the delay is bad news for some 100,000 workers who will suffer
debilitating, preventable musculoskeletal injuries between now and the time the
rule is finally enforced. And it’s bad news for the workers’ compensation
fund, which will pay some $800 million in musculoskeletal-related injury claims
during that period. In
granting the enforcement delay, the governor ignored the advice of his own Blue
Ribbon Panel on Ergonomics, an expert panel sought by and granted to business.
After a year of studying the rule, its pilot projects and the state’s efforts
to educate employers about compliance, the panel decided unanimously—in a
report released the same day the delay was announced—that the rule is clear,
understandable and enforceable in a fair and balanced manner. “The evidence is clear, ergonomics awareness and prevention reduces the number of injuries and lowers workers’ comp premiums for employers,” Bender said. “Labor will continue to defend the ergonomics rule against attacks from business organizations, and we will redouble our efforts to ensure it is fully implemented at the earliest possible date.” Civil Service Reform approved... finally After
a 14-year struggle of negotiation, compromise and perennial 11th-hour
disappointment, the state legislature in 2002 finally passed the Civil Service
Reform Act granting state employees the right to bargain over wages and working
conditions. Until
now, state employees could only bargain non-economic conditions and were forced
to “beg” legislators for cost-of-living increases and preservation of health
care benefits. But
SHB 1268, requested by Governor Gary Locke and prime sponsored by Rep. Sandra
Romero (D-22), has changed that. A two-year transition period has begun and
bargaining will officially begin in July 2004. House
Speaker Frank Chopp, Senate Majority Leader Sid Snyder and every member of their
caucus (except Sen. Tim Sheldon) deserve credit for sticking together and
fending off a series of Republican floor amendments designed to weaken the bill. Shortly
after the session ended, the Building Industry Association of Washington filed a
referendum intended to reverse the legislature’s action and again ban
collective bargaining, but the builders’ group ultimately decided to withdraw
that attack. For more information about the Civil Service Reform Act and how it affects represented and unrepresented state employees, visit www.wfse.org. Four-year faculty get rights, veto fix Another
long-sought collective bargaining bill that passed impacted four-year college
faculty. For years, this effort has
been stymied by disagreement—between legislators and between different
university faculty senates—on the specific language of the bill and how the
process would work. But this year
they worked it out. The
only complication was a late unfriendly amendment from Sen. Dan McDonald (R-48)
that said college faculty could have a union or a faculty senate, but not both.
This idea makes no sense because these organizations play vastly
different roles in influencing the policies and working conditions at the
colleges. Nowhere else in the country does such a restriction exist, including
at our own state community colleges where unions and faculty senates coexist
without a problem. Unfortunately,
every Senate Republican plus Sens. Jim Hargrove (D-24) and Tim Sheldon (D-35)
supported the amendment and it passed. Fortunately, the governor vetoed that
section from the bill. Special kudos to the sponsor of HB 2403, Rep. Phyllis Gutierrez Kenney (D-46); Sen. Margarita Prentice (D-11), who sponsored the Senate version of the bill; and to Governor Gary Locke for not allowing a cynical amendment to subvert this basic right. Homecare workers: One step forward, one step back In-home
care helps tens of thousands of Washington seniors and people with disabilities
stay in their own homes and live with some dignity.
Homecare workers bathe, dress, and feed their clients; lift them from
beds into wheelchairs; and assist with bowel and bladder care, medication
schedules, household management, and other tasks these clients can’t do on
their own. For
this critical work, publicly funded homecare workers get $7.68 an hour, and no
paid vacation, sick leave, health or retirement benefits.
They aren’t even covered by workers’ compensation. These
workers took their case to the voters last fall with Initiative 775, and fully
63 percent said “yes” allowing homecare workers to form unions and bargain
collectively. But action was
required by the legislature enabling dues deduction for home-care workers who
choose to join a union. So
HB 2662, that enabling legislation prime sponsored by Rep. Joe McDermott (D-34),
was passed in the House 53-44 and the Senate by a 30-19 vote.
Unfortunately for homecare workers, this gesture of good faith dotting
the “i’s” and crossing the “t’s” on the I-775 show of public
support, was immediately followed by a slap in the face. Hundreds
of homecare workers from all over the state, many of them new members of the
Service Employees International Union, came to Olympia in 2002 to rally and
share their stories with legislators. They sought a small pay increase, another
baby step towards restoring some dignity to the work that allows so many others
to live with dignity. The
legislature eventually passed a difficult budget that included a 25-cent-an-hour
increase, but Governor Locke later vetoed that tiny increase as he sought to
plug an unexpected $32 million hole. Homecare workers can take solace that the outstanding advocacy of the Service Employees International Union has raised public and legislative awareness about their desperate circumstances. Unfortunately, respect and empathy doesn’t pay the rent or buy any groceries. UW teaching assistants get collective bargaining rights Last
year, the University of Washington administration and the union representing its
teaching and research assistants, the Graduate Student Employee Action Council/UAW,
agreed on legislation enabling the collective bargaining process to proceed.
But Republican leaders in the tied House refused to allow a vote on the
issue. In
this report last year, we argued that a “clear majority” would vote for the
bill if given the chance. This
year, with the tie broken, the clear majority got their chance and passed it. Prime
sponsored by Rep. Steve Conway (D-29) and Sen. Jeanne Kohl-Welles, the measure
provides a framework for GSEAC/UAW and the UW to bargain over wages, benefits,
hours and working conditions. The
union wasted no time and filed for certification with the Public Employment
Relations Commission immediately after the governor signed the new law. Since the winter of 2000, 75-80% of UW academic student employees have signed union cards, choosing GSEAC/UAW as their union. There are approximately 3,700 ASEs who typically work between 5-10 years as teaching, research or staff assistants. Drug, biotech lobbyists derail prescription drug bill Pharmaceutical
firms and their lobbying organizations have gained something of a reputation
nationally for their dirty and deceptive campaigns to prevent state government
from passing laws to address the skyrocketing cost of prescription drugs. This year, they
again brought their show to Washington and succeeded in killing SB 6368, an
effort to allow the state, and eventually all of us, to inject free-market
competition into prescription drug purchasing.
It would have allowed the state to consolidate purchasing, buy drugs in
bulk, and potentially save millions at a time when our budget could use the
money. SB 6368 was supported by
doctors, pharmacists, labor, and advocates for the elderly, patients and
consumers. Drug
companies bought full-page newspaper ads using front groups with phony names
like International Patient Advocacy Association and The Seniors Coalition.
The ads were clearly intended to mislead and incite opposition.
Meanwhile, heavy-hitter drug lobbyists flown in from around the country
joined many local contract lobbyists at the Capitol during the last days of the
session. “This
is as ugly a fight as I’ve seen,” said Nick Federici, lobbyist for the AARP,
which supported the bill. SB
6368, sponsored by Sen. Pat Thibaudeau (D-43), passed the Senate 27-20 but
became mired in the drug company muck in the House.
Despite a strong push led by Rep. Eileen Cody (D-11), a number of
Democrats under heavy pressure from biotech firms in their districts refused to
support it. The
federal government, HMOs, insurance companies, large corporations and a growing
number of other state governments are already able to negotiate lower drug
prices, but not Washington consumers. In
fact, some of the very biotech companies in Olympia opposing SB 6368 use the
very same approach to save money on drug costs for their own employees! The WSLC and the same strong coalition of other supporters will again push for this legislation in 2003. In
2002, the cause of “business competitiveness” was invoked daily in
Olympia’s halls and hearings. Unfortunately,
too often it was invoked on perennial right-wing anti-worker priorities like
so-called “regulatory reform,” rather than the one thing business executives
from across the state said they needed most: investment in transportation. After
weeks of debate and negotiation on what to do, ultimately, there were not enough
votes in the House of Representatives to raise the state gas tax to fund highway
maintenance and construction. For
all their advocacy on behalf of business interests, Republicans could only
muster a handful of votes for the measure.
Although the vast majority of Democrats were prepared to take the tough
“yes” vote, there were several who were convinced that it belonged on the
ballot. Fearful
of either a voter backlash or threatened referendum to repeal by Tim Eyman &
Co., these lawmakers ignored the pleas from the governor, and business and labor
leaders to act. Instead, they have passed the buck to voters in the form of
Referendum 51, which would increase the gas tax by The
idea is to have highway and road users pay for the improvements.
Every penny raised from gas taxes, by law, must be spent on
transportation. None of it will go to the General Fund or be spent for any
other purpose. Plus,
it will be spent more efficiently than ever before.
While they didn’t act to fund transportation, the legislature did pass
a series of transportation efficiency measures that allows some contracting out
of Department of Transportation work (above and beyond the work done by existing
DOT engineers) and addresses the accuracy of prevailing wage standards in rural
parts of the state. These measures
compliment those passed last year: the permit-streamlining and design-build
measures that will get roads built and maintained much faster. The
gas tax has been frozen for more than 10 years. It has lost value to inflation
as population has exploded and brought traffic to a standstill, especially
around the Puget Sound region, our state’s economic engine. Now,
as Boeing and other major employers decide where they want to conduct and expand
business in future years, freight and human mobility has become the top issue. We
have run out of time for debate; we must act.
The future of our jobs, and the prospects for our children to get decent
ones, will rest on the outcome of the Ref. 51 vote.
If it fails, the skittish legislature is likely to put off the issue for
years. The WSLC and the rest of organized labor must do everything in our power to ensure its passage. As Sen. Patty Murray told the WSLC Legislative Conference, “This is a fight we cannot afford to lose.” There are many more stories included in the print version of the WSLC's 2002 Legislative Report on issues like voluntary payroll deductions into union PACs, mandatory overtime for nurses, family care, unemployment insurance for domestic violence victims, and much, much more. Email us and request a free copy. 2002 Senate Voting Record -- 2002 House Voting Record Copyright © 2002 Washington State Labor Council, AFL-CIO
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