FRIDAY, APRIL 8
(PDF version)
Just the U.I. facts,
Senators
Let's give them the benefit of the
doubt.
Let's assume that the legislators
who keep reinforcing myths about EHB 2255 and our Unemployment Insurance (UI)
system are simply relying too heavily on the talking points that some lobbying
group has handed them.
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WSLC
Legislative Tracker™ |
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The award-winning website of the Washington State Labor Council includes the WSLC Legislative Tracker™. Check it
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That's where you'll find up-to-the-moment-we-get-to-it status reports
on many key working families bills before the 2005 legislature. |
Let's also assume that all
lawmakers have compassion for people who've lost their jobs through no fault
of their own; people who face losing their cars, homes and even their families
while they struggle to find new jobs. Organized labor knows that just
because certain legislators speak about the UI issue only in terms of how it
impacts employers, they really must care about these families, too. They
must be open to at least considering this issue as something more than
just another business-labor dispute that requires them to toe the party line
-- or the other party's line, if they're a Maverick®.
And finally, let's assume that
some legislators just don't like to talk about the economic benefit of UI
because it sounds kind of... well... socialistic. But surely they
understand the benefit of injecting money into communities hard-hit by
unemployment, and the harm caused by suddenly removing that money, not just to
families but to businesses.
You see, most corporate lobbyists
like to suggest the 2003 UI changes had something to do with our state's
fledgling economic rebound. So maybe some of our elected officials don't
understand those changes have yet to create a single job. The truth is,
the recovery happened despite the UI changes, because so far it's been
all pain and no gain. UI taxes went up for all employers in 2004 to
finance the transition to a new UI tax system, while a hundred million dollars
in benefits have been removed from the state economy.
In fact, now that we think about
it, the only hesitation some state senators have about passing the
House-approved EHB 2255 may just be the result of misinformation. So as
a public service, WSLC Legislative Update offers the following Talking
Point Redux™, chock-full o' facts about the UI system, the changes made in
2003, and EHB 2255, the bill that stops the bleeding on drastic benefit cuts
while retaining employer-sought reforms and savings.
TALKING POINT:
EHB 2255 would "destroy the reforms we worked so hard to
negotiate." (Source: Rep.
Beverly Woods, R-Kingston, April 1 House floor debate)
REDUX: Despite
our collective cringe at the use of the word "negotiate" here,
let's set that aside for now.
EHB 2255 makes two changes -- on
a temporary basis -- that return Washington to the national mainstream on UI
benefits, and leave intact the majority of the business-sought changes in
2003’s overhaul of the system. One, it restores the "liberal
construction" language that means in gray-area cases, the worker gets
the benefit of the doubt, as is the case in 43 other states' UI laws.
Two, it restores the two-quarter averaging for calculating benefits, but at
a lower multiplier than before. Only seven states use the most punitive
four-quarter formula now in place.
These two changes are revenue
neutral and won’t impact the UI Trust Fund. They are financed by
one-time federal dollars and a small across-the-board benefit cut.
Benefits are merely reallocated to stop the bleeding for workers
disproportionately harmed in 2003.
EHB 2255 sunsets in two years,
during which time a task force will study and recommend a permanent
solution that’s fair to employers and workers. Legislators can take or
leave that recommendation. If they leave it, we go back to the way
things are today.
Here are just some of the
elements of 2003’s changes that EHB 2255 leaves in place:
-
Cutting the maximum benefit
duration from 30 to 26 weeks.
-
Cutting maximum benefits
from 70% of the state’s average annual wage to 63%.
-
Imposing one of the
country's most severe misconduct statutes, which can be used to deny
benefits to fired workers.
-
Restricting eligibility by,
among other things, severely reducing what constitutes "good
cause" for quitting a job. The Association of Washington Business
estimates that the eligibility restrictions enacted in 2003 will save
the system $65 million in benefits. (AWB press release, 3-30-05)
-
Creating a new
employer-backed tax structure designed to address UI tax equity issues.
Saying the EHB 2255
"destroys" 2003 reforms is hyperbole of the highest order, and
fails the straight-face test.
TALKING POINT:
Our UI system is being exploited because of the "snowboard effect,"
where people work in the summers and take winters off snowboarding while
collecting UI benefits. (Source:
Rep. Cary Condotta, R-East Wenatchee, April 1 House floor debate)
REDUX:
The suggestion that many people are gaming the UI system -- using it every year
in months they choose not to work -- is an oft-repeated theme, and
unfortunately for those who repeat it, is not true.
The Department of Employment
Security studied this very issue to determine its veracity. Valid
claimants were tracked over a six-year period, 1996 through 2001, to study
the rate of repeat claimants. The study found that two out of three
claimants who received UI during that period did so only once. Fully
86.6% of claimants had just one or two successful claims during the six-year
period. Only 1.4% managed to make successful claims in six straight
years.
Whether steps should be taken to
discourage or prohibit this tiny minority from such repeat claims is exactly
the kind of issue the task force established by EHB 2255 will
consider. But clearly, it is not a widespread problem that justifies
cutting benefits for construction, agricultural and other cyclical workers
by hundreds of dollars per week.
TALKING POINT: The
1,200 Boeing 787 assembly jobs Washington won in 2003 could be lost if the
UI "reforms" are undone. (Source:
Association of Washington Business, April 5 press release)
REDUX: Boeing
supports EHB 2255, which doesn't come close to "undoing" 2003's
changes (see above).
THE BOTTOM LINE:
EHB 2255 is a very modest proposal. It does not deserve to be
characterized in the way it has been. If state senators believe it is a
mistake and choose to vote "no," they should avoid wild
mischaracterizations like those listed above when defending their vote.
That is, unless they are deliberately
distorting the issue with revisionist history and knowingly false
rhetoric. In which case, all that stuff about giving lawmakers the
benefit of the doubt will not apply in November 2006.
Restore
democracy to union political action
Speaking of revisionist history,
let's take the Wayback Machine to November 1992. That was when Washington
voters approved Initiative 134, which enacted sweeping campaign finance
reforms. Those of us who were around back then remember that these
changes championed by then-state Sen. Linda Smith were principally marketed
around new contribution limits to candidates and parties.
Well, certain extreme right-wing
think tanks (that spend most their time "thinking" of new ways to
weaken unions) would now have us believe that the I-134 "voter
mandate" was specifically about reining in union political influence.
Here's the truth. Among the
dozens of clauses in I-134 was one designed to restrict union contributions,
although it also applied to businesses. Its language was so vague and
poorly written that, as is sometimes the case, the initiative required an
agency rulemaking process to be implemented.
So in 1993, all sides of the
argument testified in public hearings, and eventually, the Public Disclosure
Commission approved what was known as the "affiliation rule." That
rule states that local affiliates of statewide and international unions may
contribute to candidates as separate entities with separate contribution
limits, as long as their international, state or district council stays out of
the race. In other words, the rule acknowledges that different union
locals are autonomous -- with members and political committees deciding on
their own which candidates to support and how much to give them -- and
therefore they shouldn't have to share a limit.
That rule was in place from 1994
to 2004. But last year, in a case originated by our hard-thinkin'
friends at the aforementioned right-wing foundation, the Supreme Court
invalidated that rule, saying that the PDC had exceeded its authority by
enacting it. Without the rule, the PDC now says it must impose the
strictest possible interpretation of I-134, which is that every local from the
same union must share a single contribution limit.
Ironically, the implicit
assumption is that unions are top-down undemocratic organizations where
political endorsements are controlled by one council, or even one
individual. Meanwhile, business interests -- which spend from 12 to 15
times more on politics than labor unions every election cycle -- have no
democratic process for shareholders or governing boards to determine how their
political money is spent.
ESSB 5034, as amended in House
committee, would fine-tune the decade-old "affiliation rule." It
will allow union locals to keep an independent voice on political issues, one
determined by democratic votes of the members and not by officials at a higher
union body.
We urge state legislators to
respect the rulemaking process conducted right after I-134 was passed by
supporting ESSB 5034. Please leave a message for your State Representatives
at 1-800-562-6000; urge them to support ESSB 5034. A vote is expected next
week.
Child care wage
ladder on its way to Gregoire
The Senate approved HB 1636
Thursday night on a 27-22 vote. Sponsored by Rep. Eric Pettigrew
(D-Seattle), this bill, which already passed the House 59-34, establishes a
career and wage ladder in state-licensed child care centers. This is an
important victory not just for child care workers, but for early childhood
education. Although subsidies to pay for child care slots have increased, it
has not resulted in higher wages for child care workers, almost all of whom
still make less than $10 an hour. Pilot programs have demonstrated that
career and wage ladders are cost effective at decreasing turnover and
improving morale.
Because of a minor amendment, the bill
faces reconciliation between the two houses' versions before it is sent to Gov.
Christine Gregoire for signature.