RALLY TO DEFEND VETERANS AND V.A.
WORKERS WITH A.F.G.E. MEMBERS
COME TELL SENATOR MURRAY AND OTHER SENATORS...
"Bush
Needs a Watchdog"
Friday, August 17,
10:15 to 10:45 A.M.
in front of U.S. Senate Field Hearing in Tacoma
at Bates Technical College, South Campus New Auditorium (2201
S. 78th St., Tacoma)
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The Bush Administration
under-estimated veteran needs by at least $3 billion this year.
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Bush began sending the
under-estimated funds 4 months late.
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Media headlines abound on
VA and military hospital facilities, stingy healthcare gate-keeping,
and claim processing delays.
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Now Bush wants to rob
Peter to pay Paul and cut many other
local social services on which vets and working families rely to
compensate for the VA benefit and military healthcare shortfall
Background
Over 35,000 VA & Dept. of Defense civilian and uniformed military
workers work in our region and many depend on the VA and Military hospital
systems including members of the federal workers' union AFGE. The VA
is one of our region's largest healthcare and retirement systems.
American Lake and Seattle VA workers (AFGE Locals 498 and 3197) routinely
face understaffing and impossible workloads. Local Social Security
workers (AFGE Local 3937) wade through tremendous claim backlogs and
inhuman caseloads serving the veteran population. That vets make up
the largest group in the homeless population shows how much Bush broke the
VA and Social Security system. Civilian defense workers at McChord
and Fort Lewis (AFGE Locals 1501 and 1504), many vets themselves, rely
greatly on the VA system for healthcare and as a needed safety net.
Despite Bush's aggressive
attacks on the independent voice of AFGE and other federal worker unions
through the NSPS
and privatization,
AFGE members are fighting back. Join with JwJ and AFGE locals 498,
3197, 3937, 1501, and 1504 for this family-friendly informational picket
and leafleting to hold Bush and Congress accountable.
Senator Murray has powerfully
defended against Bush's previous VA benefit cuts. Now Bush is trying
to use his past fiscal irresponsibility to pressure Congress to fund the
VA through budget cuts to social programs. Shouldn't we be cutting another
budget or raising revenues from Bush's "base" the super-rich?
NAFTA took effect in 1994.
With more than a decade of experience with our new global trade model, we
should stop and take stock.
Trade is good. As the cliché
goes, "We do what we do best; they do what they do best; and we
trade." In 1993, advocates of the North American Free Trade Agreement
promised shared prosperity, mutual gains and a rapid reversal of our trade
balance from deficit to surplus.
Since then, our cumulative
trade deficits total about $4.5 trillion, with the deficit still in
free-fall. Any conceptual model that is off by $4.5 trillion should be
examined closely before being used again to justify public policy.
From 1960 to 1994, our trade
balance fell erratically from a surplus of 1 percent of gross domestic
product to a deficit of 2 percent of GDP. Since then, as our new
NAFTA-style trade policy extended to more and more countries, that
negative trend accelerated abruptly, with our trade deficit increasing to
6 percent of GDP last year. Contrary to promises, the U.S. economy
de-industrialized to the point where our strongest and most dominant
export goods are now cotton, soybeans, corn and wheat. (The only
manufactured goods in which the U.S. is a strong net exporter are
aerospace, scientific instruments and chemicals.) We are fabulously
productive in agriculture. Unfortunately, that sector produces very few
jobs, and the wages and working conditions are notoriously poor.
What have we learned? For one
thing, trade advocates promised us "access to markets." Most
people understood this to mean access to consumers who would buy products
we made in America. More often, it meant access to producers in low-cost
countries like Mexico, China and India, who make goods for us to consume.
Another lesson is that China
and other low-cost countries can produce at prodigious levels. They have
abundant, low-cost, well-educated workers, and they enjoy easy access to
technology and capital. Meanwhile, China consumes at tiny levels, given
its low wages, high savings rate and low standard of living. As their
well-being rises, people in China would still feel little pressure to
consume our products, since they can produce enough for themselves and
still export to us for many decades to come.
Well, that's not
"trade." Trade assumes that the rest of the world will buy
something from us.
In fact, our trade policy is
not about "trade," it's about blurring the identity of different
countries -- merging all economies rich and poor. In economic jargon, this
is called economic integration and is characterized by leveling, and not
necessarily mutual gains.
In actual trade, when we do
what we do best, "we" are not economically merged with
"them."
Aerospace is a simple example.
Boeing exports are booming. Employment is up lately, but over the last
decade or so aerospace employment of hourly workers in Washington state
dropped in half. In addition, the offshoring of engineering work is
accelerating, and engineering employment is still down more than 25
percent from the peak in the early '90s.
The foreign content of each
new airplane model rises steadily as foreign suppliers displace local
content.
New aerospace jobs are
appearing in Japan, Italy, China and Russia. Boeing prospers, shareholders
prosper and suppliers prosper. But global economic integration de-couples
this prosperity from local Puget Sound communities where workers live.
The 18th century philosopher
Adam Smith argued that the self-interest of the butcher, baker and brewer
would guide the invisible hand of markets. Smith's merchants all lived in
the community. If the baker or the brewer prospered, the community
prospered. If the butcher invested and grew, that growth made the
community stronger.
My baker is a multinational
company. My brewer moves production from my community to an offshore
facility to improve margins for his global investors. I try not to think
about my butcher.
The European Union has a
different policy for economic integration.
The EU integrated carefully to
minimize negative leveling effects. Ireland had the lowest wages in
Europe. As part of the integration, the EU invested in Ireland and
developed the resources to raise living standards quickly. Similarly,
Italy needed stabilizing before coming into the EU. The various EU
countries shared the costs of leveling, with the expectation that they
would share prosperity, too, over time.
This economic solidarity goes
only so far: Turkey and Poland are farther off the norm, and costs for
integrating them are high. Russia is so far off the European norm that
Russia's admission into the European integrated economy is politically out
of reach. In any event, the EU experience shows us one alternative to
NAFTA-style policy.
If we believe that trade --
actual trade -- is good, we should re-establish the conditions needed for
beneficial trade. There must be a balance between the business interest on
the one hand and the public or community interest on the other. One
possibility to consider is a World Trade Organization that represents the
public interest in the way the current WTO represents business interests.
STAN SORSCHER is on the
board of the Washington Fair Trade Coalition and also a staff member of
the Society of Professional Engineering Employees in
Aerospace/International Federation of Professional and Technical
Engineers, the union that represents more than 20,000 workers at Boeing.